It’s July, and that means we get to start shrinking the boundaries of tossups. Two states changed this time, only one because of the changed boundaries.
Here is the current map:

Now for the details.
As always, “Continuing” refers to the seats in Senate Classes 2 and 3, which are not up for election this cycle.
Here the highlights of the past two weeks, walking from the Pacific to the Atlantic:
- Arizona: We’re missing one key data point in this race: who will be the Republican nominee? This matters tremendously, because Rasmussen found that real estate executive Wil Cardon polls much worse against former United States Surgeon General Richard Carmona than does Representative Jeff Flake (R-Mesa). The Republican primary, to be held on August 28, has been polled very lightly, and only by Public Policy Polling. All three matchups (Cardon/Flake, Cardon/Carmona, and Flake/Carmona) have been polled too lightly to have much confidence in any of this. Arizona is a pretty reliable Republican state in most respects, though, so I still believe Real Clear Politics has this one right as a “Leans Republican” state. I look forward to more data to narrow it down.
- Michigan: I said last time that a lack of movement here would change me from calling Michigan a “Leans Democrat” state to a “Likely to stay Democrat” state. We now have an additional poll, from NBC News/Marist, showing incumbent Senator Debbie Stabenow with an unadjusted dozen-point lead over the presumptive Republican nominee, former Representative Pete Hoekstra (R-Zeeland). This is an adjusted nine-point lead, which, when coupled with the existing data does confirm the move. Michigan is now “Likely to stay Democrat”.
- Ohio: The latest polls from Quinnipiac and Public Policy Polling provide a mixed message. Quinnipiac gives incumbent Democratic Senator Sherrod Brown an unadjusted 16 point-lead (which, because the Registered Voter bias and house bias cancel each other out, translates to an adjusted 16-point lead as well), over state Treasurer Josh Mandel. PPP, on the other hand, shows an unadjusted seven-point lead (corresponding to an adjusted two-point lead). Averaging the two’s adjusted margins puts them roughly in line with Rasmussen’s adjusted score from May of six points for the incumbent. No matter how you look at this, it’s a noisy data set. Ohio is probably a “Leans Democrat” state, but it’s not a sure thing.
- Virginia: Everything had been pointing in the direction of former Governor Tim Kaine having a couple-point lead over former Governor George Allen…until WeAskAmerica dropped this poll into our laps. A swing of 11 points in a month, entirely due to a decrease on Kaine’s side, sounds suspiciously like an outlier. I’m not moving Virginia to a different column without a corroborating poll.
- Florida: Polls have been fluctuating a wildly in Florida as they have in Ohio. Quinnipiac published yet another poll, this time showing the incumbent Democratic Senator Bill Nelson with a mere one-point edge over his almost certain opponent, Representative Connie Mack, IV (R-Fort Meyers). With so much noise, I’m decreasingly confident in my assessment that Florida is a leaner. For this reason, I’m moving it into the “Tossup” column until we get closer to November or show a trend outside of a mere point or two.
- Massachusetts: One new poll from Public Policy Polling has an unadjusted tie, which corresponds to a five-point lead for the Republican incumbent Senator, Scott Brown, over his Democratic challenger, Elizabeth Warren. It appears to be a slight outlier, absent confirmation of a shift to the right from the previous trend. That previous trend has Massachusetts looking like a mirror image of Florida, just barely to the right of a pure tossup.
Our “Tossup” and “Leans” zones have narrowed starting this month. Thus far, the narrower zones have impacted only Michigan, though as the month progresses and we get another round of poll results we can expect to see more movement.
The majority of the 113th Senate continues to hang in the balance. There are five tossups: Florida, Indiana, Massachusetts, Montana, and Virginia; plus a sixth that probably belongs there: North Dakota. It seems credible for Republicans to win at least three of those six, since they have structural advantages in all of them. This is probably why Intrade is giving Republicans about a 53 percent chance of taking the Senate, down four points from two weeks ago, with a 33 percent chance of Democrats holding at least 51 seats (up a point from last time), and 21 percent chance of exactly 50 seats (up four points). Note that the three add up to 107 percent, which I believe reflects more about how lightly traded these markets are than anything else.
How credible do you think those market numbers are? Do you agree or disagree with my state analyses above?
Related articles
- Senate Watch: June 23 (logarchism.com)
- GOP could blow Arizona (salon.com)
- Late Returns: Kentucky Primary Features A ‘Proxy Showdown’ Between Kentucky Senators (huffingtonpost.com)

@Michael
A fair assessmentvof the current status of these races, as usual.
I’m always a little surprised to see Indiana in tossup territory, because I’ve always thought of them as so much more conservative than my home state. But, as the current Republican Senator from Massachusetts proves, state-level politics can diverge from national politics in unexpected ways.
As far as the Intrade numbers, they seem close to right, though perhaps a little high on the odds for an exact tie.
I disagree on Ohio. I think Sherrod Brown is probably as close to a sure thing as you can get in this electoral climate. I’d be interested in what Shiloh and GROG think, since they not only live there but also live on opposite sides of the political divide.
Still… presidency, Senate, the economy, major social issues, all balanced and teetering on a knife edge. I know we say it every time, but I really think this election may be the most volatile, unpredictable (and consequential) of our lifetimes. It should be exhilarating for political junkies, but I’m actually finding it kind of terrifying.
Sherrod Brown voted against NAFTA and refused senate medical coverage until ACA was passed ie he’s a common folk politician which works well in Ohio. Whereas his opponent is an aloof train wreck, much like mittens. So even though he’ll probably be outspent 5 or 6 to 1, he’s a safe bet imo.
Interesting Obama’s Bain Capital ads are very effective, mainly because they’re all true. Whereas there’s not enough $$$ in the world to turn Romney into anything other than an out-of-touch schmuck.
The auto industry is making a comeback, and kasich’s anti-union referendum went down 2 to 1 ie a defeat for mittens who supported kasich.
>
Again, McCain lost Ohio in 2008. McCain was a war hero. mittens lost badly to McCain in 2008.
>
As mentioned previously, there should be many books written on how political campaign ad over-saturation effected 2012 races.
Nothing kills a bad product faster than good advertising …
>
Now I’m off to the Brady reunion ~ Erin Go Bragh!
I saw a wealthy Democratic campaign doner on Rachel’s show yesterday. She asked him why Democratic campaign contributions were down so much this year from four years ago, particularly with Republican contributions setting new obscene records. He told her that no amout of false advertizing can help a bad product — Romney is burnt toast, so all the money Republicans are spending isn’t going to help. On the other side, Obama is pretty much a shoe-in, so there’s not much point in spending money that isn’t going to be needed.
It sounded like an interesting take on things.
filistro,
Keep in mind that I’m looking at the polling first, and using the other elements second. And Brown has a DW-NOMINATE that’s pretty far to the left of the state’s voters. And we’re still far enough from November that things can shift enough to change the outcome of that election.
It’s interesting to compare the electoral college map with the senate prediction map. As mclever points out, local issues can diverge from the national ones.
I also think it is interesting that the parties in certain states have such weak benches, consider team R in the most recent senate primary in California. When you look at who runs in the primary, you wonder how that party could not find anyone better to compete. Of course, shiloh would argue that the same thing holds true for the republicans in this year’s presidential race.
astrodude is still here!
This guy has been around longer than almost any of us… all the way back to the old Nate Silver 538 days, no?
It’s so great to see you again.
Hi filistro!
I’ve certainly been lurking ever since the old 538 days, but never posted until you made a plea for the lurkers to come out of hiding. I am so glad to see that you are posting again. Just as with mclever, seeing your name again made my 4th of July.
I read the articles and the comments every day, but usually by the time I get to the site anything that I would have said has been said already by one of the regulars (and with much more insight and verve, I have to admit).
Thanks, astrodude. I wish more people would pop out of lurk mode every now and then, if only just to say hello.
I remember a year or so ago when I asked people to post just once in their life and let us know where they were reading from, to give us some idea how many states, provinces and countries were represented among our regulars. As I recall, the number was quite astonishing.
Maybe we should do that again sometime
astrodude,
The thing about the California Senate seat is that DiFei has long been the less vulnerable of the two Senators. This is why we saw so much weight being thrown behind Carly Fiorina’s run against Boxer in 2010. Considering that Boxer wasn’t able to be unseated in a hardcore anti-Obama midterm election, nobody of serious caliber wanted to waste their dry powder on a run against Feinstein in 2012. Add in the wild card of the top-two primary, and it makes a lot of sense that she was pretty much left alone to win.
That may well be the case, though I wonder who would have been a credible candidate that would have made it through the Romney-vs-NotRomney battle? Those who stayed on the sidelines made, in my opinion, a wise choice.
Hi Michael,
You make good points about the California race. I have to say, though, for many election cycles it seems as if the republicans in California had it completely backward. They would run someone reasonably credible against Feinstein, and not get anywhere. Then, when Boxer, who is in my opinion the more vulnerable of the two senators, would come up for re-election the republicans seemed out of steam and ran a weak or more fringe candidate against her. You’re right in that they seem to have finally reversed that trend in the last cycle.
As for the presidential election, I have no feeling for how it would have played out if someone more credible had run this time around. It seems that part of the crazy dynamic of the primaries was that Romney seemed like the best bet of that group in terms of taking on Obama, but no one really liked him and so we had the not-Romney flavor of the month (or is that flavor of the week?). What if a stronger candidate had joined the group? Would the anti-Romney people have coalesced behind him/her? Or was Romney’s position as the runner-up from 2008, and thus the anointed one, unassailable? As I say, I have no feeling for this.
astrodude,
It would seem so at first blush, but “The Ideology Gamble” illustrates why this happens. A political party wants to elect someone who is as extreme as they can get away with. Against a moderate opponent, an extreme candidate is much less likely to win, absent a significant national wave. But against an extreme opponent, an extreme candidate has a pretty decent shot.
mclever,
I forgot to respond to this earlier:
It’s probably not. I’ve been holding it there because of the wild card of an extreme conservative running against a moderate Democrat, with no polling data. It’s just too hard to tell what’s going on there, and I can’t figure out why it’s not getting polled heavily.
Michael,
Thanks for the pointer to the article. Before I clicked the link, I was going to say that this was new to me, but since the link was to a logarchism article I must have read it at the time. So, thanks for reminding me about this concept. It makes a lot of sense to me. I guess that the question of whether you come out ahead (if you see the election of a more extreme person as positive) depends on what the probability of success in electing that person is. As you point out in the linked article, the election of R. Paul the younger suggests that the probability is not vanishingly small. Alas. As a moderate, I don’t see electing fringe members of either party as a good thing. On the other hand, my family spans the full range of far left to far right, so I’m outnumbered at family reunions.
Pingback: Logarchism » Senate Watch: July 21