Letting the Gini Out of the Bottle

Ani­mal Farm”, by Jim Conte (jim​conte​.com)

Econ­o­mists use a mea­sure called the Gini coef­fi­cient to describe, in math­e­mat­i­cal terms, the inequal­ity in a pop­u­la­tion. It’s an imper­fect mea­sure, and only one of many tools, but it pro­vides use­ful insight into the math­e­mat­i­cal dis­tri­b­u­tion of income (or any other qual­ity, say, bolt sizes).

Basi­cally, if we assume income dis­tri­b­u­tion should be a nor­mal dis­tri­b­u­tion (i.e., bell-​​shaped curve), then the Gini Coef­fi­cient tells us how fat the tail at the far right end of the dis­tri­b­u­tion is. A Gini coef­fi­cient of zero means every­one makes the same amount of money (“all ani­mals are equal”). A Gini coef­fi­cient of one means that one pig has all the dough.

Andy over at the blog Orga­niz­ing Entropy has help­fully plot­ted Gini coef­fi­cients based on Orga­ni­za­tion for Eco­nomic Coöper­a­tion and Devel­op­ment (OECD) data (that is, data from devel­oped, first-​​world coun­tries). He’s gone a step fur­ther, and sorted the bar graphs by total income (red bars) and by income after taxes and trans­fers (blue bars). His graphs are shown after the jump.

Note that before taxes are taken into account, the United States has a fairly mid­dling income inequal­ity, with a Gini coef­fi­cient of 0.46, just above the OECD aver­age of 0.45. Because of abnor­mally low tax­a­tion, espe­cially of the wealthy, the U.S. is now sand­wiched between Poland and Por­tu­gal, with the second-​​highest Gini coef­fi­cient of all OECD coun­tries, once taxes are taken into account.

Accord­ing to the New York Times, Por­tu­gal just “joined the swelling ranks of Europe’s dis­con­tented, fol­low­ing Greece and Spain, after the gov­ern­ment tried to take one step fur­ther up the aus­ter­ity path last month.”

An arti­cle enti­tled “True Pro­gres­sivism” in last week’s Econ­o­mist piqued my interest.

The lede hooked me:

By the end of the 19th cen­tury, the first age of glob­al­i­sa­tion and a spate of new inven­tions had trans­formed the world econ­omy. But the “Gilded Age” was also a famously unequal one, with America’s rob­ber barons and Europe’s “Down­ton Abbey” classes amass­ing huge wealth: the con­cept of “con­spic­u­ous con­sump­tion” dates back to 1899.

Thorsten Veblen coined the phrase in the title of his book of the same name.

The ris­ing gap between rich and poor (and the fear of social­ist rev­o­lu­tion) spawned a wave of reforms, from Theodore Roosevelt’s trust-​​busting to Lloyd George’s People’s Bud­get. Gov­ern­ments pro­moted com­pe­ti­tion, intro­duced pro­gres­sive tax­a­tion and wove the first threads of a social safety net. The aim of this new “Pro­gres­sive era”, as it was known in Amer­ica, was to make soci­ety fairer with­out reduc­ing its entre­pre­neur­ial vim.

Mod­ern pol­i­tics needs to undergo a sim­i­lar reinvention—to come up with ways of mit­i­gat­ing inequal­ity with­out hurt­ing eco­nomic growth.

Their spe­cial report accom­pa­ny­ing the lead arti­cle argues that “inequal­ity has reached a stage where it can be inef­fi­cient and bad for growth.” The Econ­o­mist places the United States just behind non-​​OECD coun­tries China and South Africa in third place for income inequality.

While many Amer­i­cans com­plain about sup­pos­edly crush­ing tax­a­tion, The Econ­o­mist point­edly reminds us that

Social spend­ing is often less about help­ing the poor than giv­ing good­ies to the rel­a­tively wealthy. In Amer­ica the hous­ing sub­sidy to the rich­est fifth (through mortgage-​​interest relief) is four times the amount spent on pub­lic hous­ing for the poor­est fifth.

Why should you care about income inequal­ity, espe­cially if you’re a fol­lower of a polit­i­cal blog? Well, here’s why, accord­ing to The Econ­o­mist:

Some of those at the top of the pile will remain scep­ti­cal that inequal­ity is a prob­lem in itself. But even they have an inter­est in mit­i­gat­ing it, for if it con­tin­ues to rise, momen­tum for change will build and may lead to a polit­i­cal out­come that serves nobody’s inter­ests. Com­mu­nism may be past reviv­ing, but there are plenty of other bad ideas out there.

Within the United States, the Cen­sus Bureau has released a map (and chart) that shows Gini coef­fi­cients by state.

Do you agree with The Econ­o­mist that income inequal­ity needs to be addressed? If so, how should we approach it?




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  1. From the arti­cle:

    Some of those at the top of the pile will remain scep­ti­cal that
    inequal­ity is a prob­lem in itself. But even they have an inter­est in
    mit­i­gat­ing it, for if it con­tin­ues to rise, momen­tum for change
    will build and may lead to a polit­i­cal out­come that serves nobody’s
    interests

    There’s another rea­son, too. Peo­ple below the median spend nearly every dol­lar they get. This cre­ates con­sumer demand. All economies are dri­ven by demand. Putting more money into the hands of con­sumers means, auto­mat­i­cally, more eco­nomic activ­ity, thus more eco­nomic growth. Since the wealthy ben­e­fit more than the poor regard­less of what we do, eco­nomic growth makes the rich richer, as well as cre­at­ing more jobs. QED.

    The Gini-​​by-​​state is an inter­est­ing map. Where I live, Min­nesota, is in the bot­tom half in income inequal­ity (that is, low Gini, or more equal). Yet our state is toward the top in the num­ber of per-​​capita mil­lion­aires. We also tend to have much-​​lower-​​than-​​the-​​national-​​average unem­ploy­ment. We also have a very strong social safety net in the form of things like great health­care for the poor. Plus lots of parks and muse­ums and other state-​​supported cul­tural activ­i­ties. We clear the streets when it snows. And we have great pub­lic schools. All of which means we’re doing it right; a strong econ­omy means one that helps the poor — and it clearly ben­e­fits the wealthy to do so.

  2. Yes, I think income inequal­ity is a big prob­lem. As to how I’d start to address it (in the US), some pos­si­ble ideas:

    Cap tax relief (includ­ing mort­gage etc). Actu­ally a good sug­ges­tion of Romney’s, although the way I’d do it is to phase it out above cer­tain lev­els, so above (say) a quar­ter of a mil­lion in income a year there is no tax relief (excep­tions for inher­i­tance as that is dealt with separately).

    Raise taxes on the wealthy, whether by let­ting the upper rate Bush Tax cuts expire, or similar.

    Increase the rate at which inher­i­tance taxes take effect. First quar­ter of a mil­lion or so tax free (I believe at the moment this is taxed?), quar­ter — 1 mil­lion taxed at about 20%, 1 million-​​10 mil­lion at about 30%, 10 mil­lion + at about 40%. Stepped, so the first quar­ter of a mil is always tax free etc.

    All of these would act to increase gov­ern­ment rev­enues, while increas­ing the tax bur­den purely on those who have a lot, or stand to inherit a lot. That reduces the Gini coef­fi­cient. The increased gov­ern­ment rev­enues will help stop gov­ern­ment hav­ing to lay off peo­ple. Peo­ple out of work are pretty much by def­i­n­i­tion not earn­ing much.…

    Next, I’d look at gov­ern­ment posi­tions, and set a mul­ti­ple so that any gov­ern­ment employee can only make a max­i­mum of say 20 times the mean income in the coun­try. I would also cre­ate leg­is­la­tion that means that for a pub­lic lim­ited com­pa­nies to reward any employee at rates above say 20 times the mean wage of the indi­vid­ual indus­try, that the com­pany needs to get the express per­mis­sion of a major­ity of the share­hold­ers, and that this needs to take place each year (at the AGM maybe?) (it would be indus­try based not com­pany based as oth­er­wise a CEO has a moti­va­tor to raise wages which doesn’t help share­hold­ers, or fire low earn­ing staff to raise the aver­age, or use account­ing tricks to take peo­ple off the books)

    Next, I would raise the min­i­mum wage.

    There’s prob­a­bly more, but those come to mind. Yes, it shows that I have redis­tri­b­u­tion­ist lean­ings. But I don’t see why some­one earn­ing a mil­lion a year gets any tax relief for instance.

  3. @dawolf

    Those are some pretty good ideas. The only quib­ble I have with your inher­i­tance tax plan is that there needs to be an exemp­tion for fam­ily farms. Because of the costs of real estate, a farm can eas­ily be “worth” mil­lions ($5-$7M is not uncom­mon for a fam­ily farm), but only gen­er­at­ing income in the 6-​​figure range each year. When the patri­arch dies and the farm goes to his sons/​daughters, if they are forced to sell a sig­nif­i­cant por­tion of the land in order to pay the inher­i­tance tax bur­den, that can push the farm into unprof­itablity and force the clo­sure of an oth­er­wise pro­duc­tive and prof­itable farm. The annual costs of the plant­ing and har­vest­ing equip­ment don’t go down just because you’re only farm­ing 500 acres instead of 1000, for exam­ple, and half the land means you’ll only make half the prof­its to cover those costs. I’ve seen it hap­pen even under the cur­rent laws that have fairly gen­er­ous tax exemp­tions for fam­ily farms. It’s an exemp­tion that makes eco­nomic sense, because so much of the “worth” of the farm is tied up in the land itself which is not a fun­gi­ble resource but which deter­mines the via­bil­ity of the farm. I’m sure there are other exemp­tions and excep­tions that make sense, but that one just hap­pens to be near and dear to this farm-​​raised Iowan.

    All that said, I agree that the GINI index is some­thing we need to worry about, because expand­ing inequal­ity is a prob­lem. There will always be inequal­i­ties, and I don’t begrudge the rich their wealth. The goal should be to keep those inequal­i­ties within rea­son­able lim­its of expan­sion, so that those in the mid­dle and bot­tom aren’t increas­ingly left behind. That was the whole point of the New Deal.

  4. @DC

    Except for your com­ment about per-​​capita mil­lion­aires, I had to double-​​check that you were talk­ing about Min­nesota instead of Iowa. ;-) The cul­tures of our two states are very sim­i­lar, it seems. Near-​​bottom income inequal­ity, near the low­est unem­ploy­ment, high qual­ity social safety net (espe­cially for health­care), and a focus on edu­ca­tion and improv­ing oppor­tu­nity that has been embraced by both Repub­li­cans and Democ­rats in this state. It does make a dif­fer­ence. A strong econ­omy that helps the poor helps the wealthy, too. Totally agree.

  5. Not par­tic­u­larly sur­prised that New York is near the top in inequal­ity. Upstate it’s not uncom­mon to see somebody’s pri­vate estate and drive a mile down the road and see some real poverty.

  6. We seem to have entered an era of dig­i­tal psy­ch­log­i­cal war­fare.  I men­tion this here, because this under­ground war using mar­ket­ing is the counter stroke to freeze the econ­omy as it is.

    http://​www​.guardian​.co​.uk/​w​o​r​l​d​/​2​0​1​2​/​o​c​t​/​1​8​/​k​o​c​h​-​b​a​c​k​e​d​-​a​c​t​i​v​i​s​t​s​-​a​m​e​r​i​c​a​n​s​-​f​o​r​-​p​r​o​s​p​e​r​ity

  7. Fas­ci­nat­ing map, CC. Some real sur­prises there, not the least of which is the dra­matic vari­a­tion state to state. Given how much things have improved for women in the past 30 years, I had no idea that some states still had aver­age women’s wages at only 55–60 cents to men’s dol­lar. Wow. Most states fell about where I expected rel­a­tive to one another, but there were some sur­prises there, too. What stood out to you?

  8. mclever,

    Utah struck me as a par­tic­u­larly inter­est­ing state.  Some areas are $0.35 on the dol­lar.  It’s a non sequiter, but those areas in east­ern Utah are where the gaps are in the Chris­t­ian Min­gle map loca­tions on that TV ad.   Hmmm.
    What does it say when your pay rate for women is worse than Alabama. I under­stand that when all fac­tors are included, we should be at ~80% to parity.

  9. Dawolf re # 2

    I think that in 2012  there was a fed­eral estate tax exemp­tion of infin­ity for assets passed on to a spouse,  or $5.1MM  for assets passed on to any­one else who was not a char­ity.  So very very very few estates were caught by the Fed­eral estate tax.  

    This was a sun­seted law,  so in 2013  it reverts to an unlim­ited exemp­tion for a spouse and a $1.0 MM exemp­tion for any­one else.   I strongly sus­pect this will be changed before the end of the year, who­ever wins the election.   

    For the tax year 2010,  there were 6,711 estates that had ANY fed­eral tax lia­bil­ity.  Since there were about 2.5MM deaths,  we’re look­ing at a very very small per­cent­age of dead peo­ple who owe any fed­eral estate taxes.  

    McClever — re #3.   Of these 6711 estates,  only 689  had any farm assets.   That’s prob­a­bly not fair,  because even a fam­ily farm is likely to be incor­po­rated,  so the assets would show up as stock.  But there were only 1563 returns that had closely held (i.e. non-​​publicly traded) stock,  most of which weren’t farms.  So there were at most maybe 1500 farms,  and prob­a­bly a lot fewer,  farms that had ANY estate tax lia­bil­ity,  let alone enough to cause liq­uid­ity problems. 

    I’m some­what sym­pa­thetic to the idea of allow­ing legit­i­mate farms a higher estate tax exemp­tion,  except that it would cause all sorts of estate assets to be clas­si­fied as farms.  But it still affects a really minis­cule num­ber of farms.  

    I’ve read some­where that the fed­eral estate tax causes liq­uid­ity issues  for almost nobody,   maybe a cou­ple of hun­dred estates a year.   I’ll research that some more and get back ( or ‘revert’ in cor­po­rate speak).

    But the big­ger issue is that the entire estate tax bruhaha is a com­plete red her­ring.   The fed­eral estate tax is imposed on maybe 0.2 — 0.3%  of all estates (i.e. dead peo­ple),  and even there,  90%  of the tax falls on estates of $5.0MM or more.    Con­sid­er­ing that,  how did the Repub­li­cans ever gen­er­ate this brig groundswell against the estate tax.

  10. Dawolf re #2

    I believe the Pres­i­dent is the top paid fed­eral employee.  His salary of $400,000 is no more than 8 — 10 times the median income.   So that sug­ges­tion of yours is already eas­ily sat­is­fied.   And he’s got a much tougher job.

    Most econ­o­mists agree that rais­ing the min­i­mum wage will reduce the total level of employ­ment.   There are some empir­i­cal stud­ies that refute this,  and a the­o­ret­i­cal argu­ment that under cer­tain con­di­tions rais­ing the min­i­mum wage actu­ally increases employ­ment ( the cre­ation of free agency in base­ball is shown as an exam­ple).  But the con­sen­sus is still that rais­ing the wage decreases total employment.